A German study that began in the late 1980s is reshaping how we think about intelligence and political identity.
- John Rozean
- May 27
- 2 min read
Researchers first tested thousands of third graders, identifying a group of highly gifted children and matching them with peers of average intelligence. Decades later, they tracked these individuals into adulthood to ask a deceptively simple question: does being smarter make you more liberal, more conservative, or something else entirely?
The answer turned out to be more complicated—and more modest—than the internet’s favorite hot takes. On a basic left–right scale, gifted and non‑gifted adults ended up in roughly the same place: clustered near the political center. Intelligence, at least as measured in childhood, did not send people marching toward one ideological extreme. Instead, the gifted adults looked as politically varied and moderate as everyone else, defying the stereotype that high IQ necessarily breeds radicalism or a predictable set of beliefs.
Beneath that surface, however, the researchers did find one striking fault line: men. Among male participants, those with average intelligence tended to be more conservative than their gifted counterparts. In particular, gifted men were less likely to embrace traditional values or a strict social order, signaling a looser attachment to the hallmarks of conventional conservatism. Intelligence did not turn these men into revolutionaries, but it did appear to nudge them away from rigid right‑leaning positions.
For women, the pattern was notably different—and flatter. Gifted and non‑gifted women did not show a clear, consistent gap in conservatism. Their political leanings did not sort neatly along IQ lines. That suggests that women’s political choices may be shaped less by measured intelligence and more by other forces: lived experience, social roles, economic pressures, or the particular issues that dominate public debate.
Taken together, the study undercuts the comforting myth that intelligence alone predicts political virtue. High‑IQ adults are not a secret vanguard of ideological purity; they are, in broad strokes, as centrist and internally diverse as everyone else. At the same time, the gender patterns invite harder questions. Why are average‑IQ men more drawn to conservatism than gifted men, while women’s views remain relatively stable across ability levels? The answers lie beyond the numbers, in the culture and narratives that tell different voters who they are—and whose side they should be on.







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